One of Israel's biggest threats:

It's own politics

PROBABLY no other nation on earth needs good leadership and governance as badly as Israel. As a crowded little country with a highly diverse population, many of them newcomers, it has very limited natural resources and many mortal enemies. Clearly Israel cannot afford to make serious mistakes in any of the following: its educational system, general economy, energy and water sources, food production, environmental concerns, strategic considerations, public moral and the size and competence of its military forces. A serious, ongoing flaw in any one major issue could bring Israel to it's demise. Yet in most of these spheres general bungling is the rule.

Israel's leaders and politicians spend a lot of their precious time playing political games with each other, rather than on sensible and effective governance. This situation actually jeopardizes Israel's wellbeing and very existence, and will probably continue − as it has for over a generation − unless there are drastic changes in:

• The election system.
• The government framework and procedures.
• The norms and attitudes in politics and society.

It should be noted that there are many good, very intelligent, concerned people who have entered politics and government with the intention of contributing to society and the state. But their influence is often minimal.

That's because Israel's political system − starting with its proportional system of elections − is not geared towards good leadership and government. It is a system, that together with the prevailing general mood of egocentricity and cynicism, rewards yesmanship rather than candid, intelligent, constructive query. Too frequently deceit and venality lead to career advancement rather than honesty and genuine concern for the nation and its future. The election system absolves the elected from personal responsibility or accountability towards the voters. Instead they are beholden to their party chiefs and hacks. The government framework and procedures result in tardy decision-making that is all-to-frequently based on party or even personality interests rather what's best for society or the nation.

These are some of the shortcomings that have been the cause of the notorious inability of successive Israeli governments to make sensible decisions. These are some of the reasons for the lack of integrity on the part of a dismayingly large number of the Knesset Members and why few Israeli governments manage to run the full course of their tenure.

For Israel to function as a happier, more prosperous state for all its citizens − not just a sizeable, lucky majority − and also be able to survive against diabolical threats to its very existence, there is an urgent need for a serious change in its whole governmental system. This has been suggested for over fifty years. But clearly, most politicians are not eager for any drastic change because their careers in public office might be jeopardized.

What must be changed to ensure good government?

1. Firstly, there must be an election system that will result in the choice of the most talented, dedicated and trustworthy figures in all the various administrative positions, reflecting, as far as possible, the will of the general electorate. It should also enable the formation of a one-party government or failing that, then a coalition of a pair or trio of similarly-orientated parties. The system should demand full accountability and expect a good measure of personal integrity from those voted into parliament. The present proportional system produces the exact opposite of all this.

A suitable alternative could be a system based on direct regional representation like the parliamentary elections in Great Britain or the voting system for Congress in the USA. A system that has been suggested by a number of Knesset members is a hybrid system incorporating both proportional and direct regional representation, such as is used in Germany. For Israel, such a system would merely lower the number of Knesset members who are not beholden to the electorate. The perennial lack of personal accountability on the part of the Knesset members would still continue, albeit on a lower scale. It would represent a partial solution and that is not nearly enough for a country that needs the best possible governance in order to continue existing as a state.

2. A government cabinet not padded with superfluous, often competing ministries. Many of the ministries should be headed by professionals in their various fields.

3. A parliamentary system that enables decision-making, based solely on national needs and not party interests. Decisions should not be drawn out unnecessarily and they should be fully executed.

4. There should be a strong, but workable division between the executive and legislative branches of the government and the judiciary, so as to guarantee the checks and balances that are necessary to prevent unwise moves or autocratic leadership.

5. The system should enable governments to run their full course.

6. There must be a body within the government that deals with planning for the future and whose conclusions can be readily accepted by the legislature and executive parts of the government.

7. All the above factors are determined by the level of integrity of the politicians. The level of integrity of the politicians reflects the level of integrity in the general public. You can find more on the importance of this subject at: www.israelandtruth.org/how_1.htm

So, what's to be done?

One thing is almost certain − the much-needed change in the electoral system won't be initiated by the Knesset itself. It is up to the ordinary citizens to put pressure on the politicians.

We call on everyone concerned about Israel to help us wage protest demonstrations for the attainment of a system of governance that will work effectively and sensibly, while observing democratic values and integrity. Any suggestions on the part of the establishment that agree to partial changes must be rejected out of hand. We are not dealing with handouts to anyone, or territorial compromise. We are dealing with the establishment of the best possible form of governance for this country. Nothing short of that should be enough to stop our demonstrations. All demonstrations and processions − large or small − will follow the letter of the law. The demonstrations are to express a clear, no-nonsense call for an end to the cynicism and corruption that has been the badge of Israeli politics and government for much too long, and which is endangering the very existence of this country.

Can protest demonstrations lead to respectable, effective government?

Many people say that protest demonstrations won't change anything. And that's true if they are poorly planned, unwisely executed and if they are not long-lasting, widespread or large enough. But when they are properly carried out, there is no better way of promoting public demand − as we have witnessed on quite a few occasions in recent years. Here are a few examples: Golda Meir's government resigned following the mass demonstrations in the wake of the Yom Kippur War. Subsequently, there were other demonstrations that helped influence or change government policy − such as clinching the peace treaty with Egypt; the withdrawal from Lebanon or the change in the election system that followed the "Stinking Maneuvre" that included a direct vote for the prime minister − a decision which turned out badly because it wasn't far-reaching enough. The point is demonstrations will be effective if carried out to the extent needed − just like any human endeavor.

But who will decide which electoral system to use?

This is a crucial question. Normally it's the politicians who tackle all issues of governance, including setting up the best possible election system. Clearly this is something they should have resolved long ago in the Knesset. Actually, the issue has been discussed in the Knesset from time to time during the last 50 years! But each time the issue has been dropped like a hot potato. This alone is a clear indication that the politicians have related irresponsibly to this crucial issue and therefore should be left out of the discussions on the system in which they are to be elected. Sixty years of cynical, self-serving, bungling and often scandalous parliamentary activity should justify such a doubting attitude on the part of the public.

So who should resolve the question? Israel has many knowledgeable political scientists, historians, specialists in constitutional law and journalists who can come up with an optimum working model. Dozens of countries are run by systems that work efficiently and that can point the way to efficient governance in our country.

It is important to note that for over twenty years there have been a number of groups working for electoral reform. Arguably the most impressive was set up in 2005 by a group calling itself the Citizens Empowerment Center, under the auspices of the President of Israel and headed by Hebrew University president, Professor Menachem Megidor. The purpose was to establish the most suitable election system and government structure for Israel. It set itself a year to present its findings. About seventy public figures were involved, with assistance of specialists from Israel and abroad. Indeed, it did present its findings after a year, calling for a hybrid electoral system, combining proportional representation with direct-regional representation − a system which has been debated a number of times over the years in various Knesset committees, but without any practical results. The 2005 presidentially-initiated deliberations, too, have resulted in nothing but a bit of fanfare and a website. See: www.ceci.org.il/eng

Other groups have formed over the years. They include CEPAC, which has collected thousands of petitions for electoral reform and lobbied Knesset members. See: www.cepac.org.il and Shelanu: Direct Representation for Israel, set up by Michael Jaffe. For anyone who wants to understand the subject, this an especially recommendable website: www.directrepisrael.org

A forum to lead the way

One way of arriving at the most suitable electoral system for Israel's government and Knesset, would be to create a public forum consisting of a dozen trustworthy individuals − large enough to form broad, workable and intelligent proposals while not becoming too cumbersome. Members should meet certain professional criteria and be chosen for intelligence, general knowledge, honesty and concern for Israel and the Jewish people. These people will be from disciplines that will have enabled them to gain wide knowledge of political systems. They will be political scientists, sociologists, historians, journalists and people who had once been politicians. There will be certain personality requirements such as the ability to work calmly and respectfully with others; they cannot be immovably stubborn or conceited. An additional important requirement for membership in this forum must be a complete absence of any active or passive political affiliation in the last few years.

Furthermore, none of them should have held positions of top leadership in any government or public office, or in any large commercial enterprise. The reason for this is that a large proportion of the nation's wealth is in the hands of a few dozen families, who are able to influence decision-making at the more prominent levels of society. There might be a better chance of preventing undue pressure by these sources of capital if we restrict the decision-making regarding the entire process of electoral change to ordinary, less prominent people with no connection to budgetary constraints − because they should be less prone to pressure from vested interests. There is probably a large source of brilliant, untapped potential among people who have never reached positions of prominence. We should be able to find them. Also, the amount of bungling among those who have reached executive positions, is clear in every aspect of life in Israel. Therefore, prominence and acclaim does not necessarily guarantee qualification and in our opinion has always been overly rated.

And any way, the whole subject of finding the most suitable electoral system is far too important an issue to be allowed to flounder because of the general rule to choose people in high positions. Such people are invariably used to dictating issues or riding roughshod over others. While there are many marvelous people connected presently or in the past with the political system, and many brilliant, world-class academics and astute captains of industry in Israel's society, it is of cardinal importance to select a team of people who will be able to work together.

The forum should also be closed to any high-ranking ex-army personnel. Despite the fact that many of these people are of the very highest calibre in every way, the reason for their omission would have to do with habits drawn from a lifetime in the military. Having given orders from a position of high command is not a suitable preparation for teamwork, careful, objective deliberation and consideration of ordinary people's opinions.

But who will choose the forum?

This is yet another vital question. Again, not the politicians, nor anyone officially part of the religious, academic or business hierarchy, although some of the members of the forum and the group selecting the forum could come from these sectors.

The group that is to nominate candidates for the forum could be called the "Selection Committee" and should be made up of seven or eight people with excellent records of accomplishment and integrity, who are either retired or semi-retired (so that they will have the time required to do this task adequately). They will have worked in general occupations such as farming, teaching, accountancy, medicine and journalism, business, or a trade such as building, carpentary, etc. They will be people known as the "salt of the earth." This group should be given twelve to sixteen weeks, searching relevant sources and scouting the country and society, in order to select a dozen of the most suitable people who will form the forum.

And how do we choose the Selection Committee?

We mentioned earlier that a number of groups have been working over the last few years to promote electoral reform. I suggest that a small committee (not more than seven people) made up from the various groups, will do this preliminary work. It can be called "The Council." It will lay down ground rules for it's own mode of functioning and for the criteria in choosing the Selection Committee and making sure that it functions according to the principles of good team work and honest deliberation. The Council will also make sure that the Forum, when it is chosen, will function according to these same principles.

The process of choosing a Selection Committee will be done in a number of ways. Firstly, through personal contacts if members of the Council know any really suitable potential nominations. Secondly, by placing announcements in the newspapers, inviting people to suggest themselves or others for the purpose of being part of a procedure leading to the application of a new electoral system.

What gives us the right to determine these procedures?

The wonderful thing about democracy is that an ordinary citizen can make suggestions and actions as long as he or she doesn't cause any harm or unjustified defamation. We strongly belief that electoral reform is one of the most vital needs for the survival of Israel. Since nothing sufficiently effective has been done by the government or any other public or private body, we are taking it upon ourselves to do whatever it takes to bring electoral change on this country.

We invite everyone who is interested to join us and to suggest any changes you might deem necessary to our effort.

Because we have taken it upon ourselves to work for the necessary changes, this also means that it is up to us to suggest the framework and procedures that will eventually lead to electoral change.

Groundrules for success

To facilitate optimum cooperation among the various groups, there must be strict groundrules for harmonious deliberation at every stage. These groundrules, which could be applicable to any group, organization or entire society, will be focused on the goal of finding a solution that is based on truthfulness, objectivity, consideration for the opinion of others (and that means taking everything that is said seriously before rejecting any idea). All discussions must be made with courtesy and friendliness. Dictatorial attitudes or behaviour must be banned. People who are easily insulted or frustrated, or conversely, who readily insult others, cannot be part of any of the groups. It must be remembered that this is not supposed to be a great ego trip, therefore participants must aspire for totally mature performance. They should even be able to argue against their own proposals.

Once a forum is formed, it should commit itself to come up with an ideal proposal or proposals in less than 72 days. These proposals will be announced publicly and should lead to a public discussion, conducted with the help of various media channels and public forums, and culminating in a national referendum, organized by an official body such as the Jewish Agency or a movement or a group of movements involved in proper governance such as the Movement of Quality Government.

We will not allow the government to procrastinate

As mentioned earlier, because of its unsatisfactory record in establishing proper governance, the government itself should not be involved in the process of proposing a suitable electoral system. But it must eventually be given the central role that is due to it − and that is to vote on the issue of electoral reform. Following the national referendum, the Knesset will be presented with the proposal, and expected to execute, as promptly as possible, the set procedures that will lead to it being voted upon, and becoming law. A reasonable time limit of three months from the date the proposal is submitted, should be respectfully demanded from the Knesset.

All contact with the Knesset should be done politely, amiably and respectfully. It is quite possible that the Knesset will vote against any change in the electoral system, or only for partial change. The proposal might not even reach the first stage of a preliminary vote. In the event of any of these reactions in the Knesset, the public will have to continue putting pressure on the politicians and if necessary to wage a general strike. The issue is so crucial that all legitimate means must be employed to bring about suitable electoral reform with a minimum of delay.

The urgent need for personal involvement

The ordinary citizens must be persuaded to join in the protest demonstrations as actively as possible. This has to be seen as a campaign in Israel's struggle for its very survival. Our group is still in its very beginning stage and we comprise only a few dozen folks. Nevertheless our numbers will grow exponentially. We are talking about a struggle that will take at least a year or possibly far more.

There will be three kinds of demonstrations:
(A) small demonstrations comprising groups of up to five six participants, which will be seen every day all over the country, at intersections and city squares. The purpose of these demonstrations will be mainly to inform the public of the need for direct-regional elections. Apart from the slogans on the placards and banners, the demonstrators will hand out promotional material to passersby.
(B) Larger demonstrations comprising more than ten demonstrators, staged outside the homes of political figures. The purpose will be to shame those who oppose electoral change with appropriately-worded placards. These will also be loud so that there will be no ignoring them. They will take place less frequently than the first kind, but often enough to be felt by the targeted politicians.
(C) The third kind of protest will be the mass demonstration taking place opposite the Knesset, government buildings and other appropriate venues. These will take place every few weeks and be loud media events. They must comprise at least a thousand participants each time and eventually reach tens and even hundreds of thousands of disgusted, angry citizens expressing their absolute determination to see the system changed as soon as possible.

People must realize the need to discard the insular, apathetic, negative and defeatist attitudes that have taken root in society during the last decade or so. Personal priorities must be changed. We have to be willing to devote as much time as possible in participating in some kind of activity connected with the demonstrations. There are many things we can all do. Those who might find that standing in a demonstration for an hour or two is overly strenuous, can participate in other ways such as help in making placards, thinking up slogans, calling on friends and relatives to join the demos, help organize, or drive participants to meeting places. Centers launching demonstrations will have to be set up in various parts of the country. Each center will need all the above-mentioned activities. There should also be contact and corroboration with other groups that are working for electoral change.

People who really care about Israel

We are a quickly-growing group of people of all ages and from all walks of life, from all over Israel − who care about Israel. So far we have not set ourselves up as an official organization and we are not affiliated to any other ideological, political or religious group or party. Some of us do have personal loyalties to some particular political or religious line, but these loyalties do not clash with our commitment to electoral change. We are very keen to work with other groups involved in electoral change or decent governance. Indeed, we are in touch with a few organizations and have participated in their activities.

Our funding has come from our own pockets or from private donations.

For information on how to become involved or make donations please call Rafi Dobrin, 02-6422347, 054-4334051 or e-mail NOW! friendlysting@yahoo.com.